Today Date: 17th September 2026
National elections play a pivotal role in shaping the political, economic, and social direction of any country, serving as a cornerstone of democracy and a foundation for governance, stability, and public accountability. They empower citizens to exercise their fundamental right to vote, enabling the collective voice of the populace to determine leadership and policies while ensuring accountability and legitimacy in government. By fostering a sense of collective responsibility, elections encourage active civic engagement, making governments responsive to the needs and aspirations of the people. They also provide a peaceful mechanism for transferring power, promoting stability, trust in political institutions, and a commitment to democratic values and inclusive governance. Furthermore, elections serve as a platform for addressing pressing national issues, debating future policies, and shaping the nation’s priorities and future. Ultimately, they reflect the sovereignty of the people, the health of democratic traditions, and a country’s dedication to a vibrant, inclusive society. However, election through the manipulation, engineering or strategic design of electoral processes, systems, or outcomes to favor a particular candidate, party, or group destroys the people’s aspirations in the electoral process.
The Election Commission of Bangladesh is responsible for organizing and conducting free, fair, and transparent elections across the country. It operates as an independent constitutional body, ensuring impartiality in managing electoral processes. The commission oversees the preparation and revision of voter lists, delimitation of constituencies, and enforcement of the electoral code of conduct. It coordinates with various government agencies, including the police and civil administration, to ensure security and logistical support during elections. Voting is conducted through secret ballots, with polling stations set up nationwide, monitored by election officials and observers to prevent irregularities. The Election Commission also addresses complaints and disputes related to the election process, reinforcing its commitment to upholding democratic principles.
Public trust in the Election Commission of Bangladesh has eroded significantly, driven by widespread perceptions of its alignment with ruling party interests in previous elections. It has been widely viewed as a subordinate entity to the ruling party, functioning as its tool rather than an impartial and independent body. The national elections during the previous regime were plagued by controversies, ranging from unopposed parliamentary appointments to widespread accusations of ballot box tampering. The 2014 “uncontested election” was marred by opposition boycotts, the 2018 “midnight election” drew allegations of pre-poll vote rigging, and the 2024 “dummy election” saw near-total dominance by ruling party candidates. These practices, coupled with the systematic suppression of opposition parties, created an enduring legacy of mistrust. In this context, the interim government committed to facilitating transparent and inclusive elections, emphasizing the importance of these reforms for safeguarding democratic principles. An election reform commission was formed to reform the election commission.
By this time, a new election commission was formed by the interim government amid rising public demand for voting rights, marking a critical moment in Bangladesh’s democratic journey. The upcoming national election, the first under a non-partisan interim government since 2008, offers a unique opportunity to restore public trust and reset the democratic process. By removing the ruling government’s influence over administration, law enforcement, and election officials, the interim government has created a fairer level playing field. Through transparency, impartiality, and accountability, the Commission can rebuild confidence and ensure credible elections, laying a stronger foundation for democracy.
On the other hand, the Election Reform Commission has been actively working to overhaul the entire electoral system. As part of this effort, the reform committee convened a meeting with administrative officials to gather insights from stakeholders and organizers involved in managing national and local government elections. During the discussions, officials attributed the irregularities observed in the contentious 2014, 2018, and 2024 elections to law enforcement, particularly the police, citing their tendency to disregard field-level administrative directives in favor of instructions from headquarters.
This is an alarming revelation by the civil service officers who play a pivotal role in the free and fair national election in Bangladesh under the supervision of the Election Commission of Bangladesh (EC). Elections in Bangladesh are conducted by a range of officials trained and empowered to uphold electoral laws and ensure fairness and transparency. Key officers include Returning Officers (ROs), typically senior civil servants such as Deputy Commissioners, who oversee election activities in their constituencies, supported by Assistant Returning Officers (AROs) in managing polling activities and logistics. Presiding Officers, appointed under the authority of ROs and AROs, are assigned to individual polling stations to ensure smooth voting processes, with assistance from Assistant Presiding Officers and Polling Officers, who handle tasks like verifying voter identities, issuing ballot papers, and guiding voters. These officials collectively manage, supervise, and oversee all pre-election, mid-election, and post-election activities, ensuring proper control and monitoring within polling centers.
The Bangladesh police play a crucial role in ensuring election security by maintaining law and order, safeguarding polling stations, preventing violence and fraud, and upholding electoral laws. On election day, their presence is essential for maintaining peace, protecting individuals and property, and ensuring a smooth transition of power to newly elected representatives. The effectiveness of the police is critical in fostering voter confidence and supporting a fair democratic process, particularly in a politically charged environment. During elections, the police are deployed alongside members of the Ansar and VDP and, when necessary, personnel from the armed forces, all working collectively to enforce the law. Their responsibilities strictly exclude facilitating, obstructing, or engaging in electoral fraud or manipulation. Any deviation from these duties makes them liable to punishment under the Electoral Act.
Law enforcement experts contend that attributing sole blame to the police for election irregularities oversimplifies the issue, emphasizing that responsibility is shared with returning and presiding officers. While the police play a significant role in maintaining election security, holding them solely accountable is both unfair and misleading. Accusations of partisanship and defiance within the police force have raised questions about the effectiveness and responsibilities of election officials in managing and conducting the national elections. Claims that the police are entirely responsible for failing to meet public expectations in the last three national elections distort the truth and unfairly shift blame. While the police, along with other government employees, may have supported election manipulation, their role is strictly supplementary, not central. They lack direct knowledge of activities inside polling stations unless significant disorder occurs or election officials request their assistance, as their presence is limited to maintaining order outside the polling stations, with no involvement in internal proceedings.
When the ruling party employs strategies to manipulate elections, their focus is primarily on the Returning Officers, not the police. This is because only Returning Officers and their close associates have the authority to alter election outcomes. For instance, in 2014, despite leaders of Hussain Muhammad Ershad’s Jatiya Party publicly declaring their intention to withdraw their candidacies, the Returning Officers refused to accept their withdrawals. In some cases, candidates were even declared elected without submitting nomination papers.
In the 2018 election, Returning Officers systematically disqualified the nomination papers of BNP and other opposition candidates on absurd grounds. This left BNP voters uncertain about their candidates even a week before the election. Furthermore, the early disappearance of ballots under the Returning Officers’ custody remains an unexplained mystery. The situation was even more egregious in local government elections. In the Barisal City Corporation election, some ruling party candidates were unable to cast their own votes due to a shortage of ballot papers—an outcome of pre-stuffed ballot boxes orchestrated with the cooperation of the Returning Officers before voting had even started.
If the alarming claim that the police were solely responsible for election engineering in the last three elections is accepted, it raises the question: why was no appropriate legal action taken? Other security forces, operating under the supervision of the Executive Magistrate, could have intervened and taken immediate legal or punitive measures against those responsible, including the police. Additionally, police at the subordinate level, along with a limited number of Ansars and VDP personnel (both armed and unarmed), are typically deployed to maintain law and order at election centers. They lack the authority to overpower presiding officers or defy their orders. It is widely acknowledged that elections, whether national or local, require a coordinated effort and shared responsibility, as they are inherently a team endeavor.
Assigning sole blame to the police while others attempt to portray themselves as uninvolved in election manipulation is neither fair nor credible. Instead, it must be acknowledged that the entire state apparatus has been complicit in this flawed process of election engineering and manipulation over the past 16 years. An inquiry commission shall be established to thoroughly investigate the irregularities in national elections. The commission will examine allegations of police complicity, and the incompetence or inertia of other organizations, assign accountability where necessary, and ensure that election manipulation of this nature never recurs in Bangladesh. This will strengthen the electoral process, restore public confidence, and put an end to election tampering. Officers from both law enforcement agencies and the civil administration are believed to have advanced their careers and achieved significant success under the previous regime. While some have since retired, others may still be in service. Based on the findings of a fair and transparent inquiry, appropriate legal actions—preferably formal complaints filed under relevant legal provisions—should be pursued.
It is strongly recommended that law enforcement and administrative officers be placed under the supervision of the District Judge, acting as the Chief Returning Officer, during national elections. This approach draws inspiration and precedence from the 1970 election under Pakistan’s military regime when Chief Election Commissioner Justice Abdus Sattar replaced Deputy Commissioners with District Judges as Returning Officers to ensure impartiality—a decision that remains a historical benchmark for electoral integrity in the region. Building on this precedent, the interim government may consider placing officers of administration, law enforcement agencies, and other paraphernalia under judicial supervision during elections, aiming to enhance accountability and minimize partisan interference.
It is to be noted that the Election Commission (EC) currently lacks members with direct law enforcement experience, which may limit its ability to address complex security issues during, before, and after the elections. While commissioners bring expertise from administration, judiciary, and military backgrounds, none have first-hand knowledge of the police’s specific challenges, leaving the EC reliant on external advice. The inclusion of a retired police official could enhance the EC’s capacity to strategize election security, provided appointments are made impartially to avoid bias. By not including a retired police official, the EC may miss out on valuable insights into crowd management, intelligence gathering, and strategies for countering electoral malpractices like voter intimidation or booth capturing. Moreover, effective coordination between the EC and law enforcement agencies is crucial, along with transparent policies and accountability frameworks to ensure law enforcement remains non-partisan and efficient.
The manipulation of electoral processes in Bangladesh over the past decade highlights systemic flaws that undermine democracy. Restoring trust in elections requires a multipronged approach, including transparent inquiries, accountability for past irregularities, and structural reforms in electoral oversight. By emphasizing impartiality, ensuring accountability, and placing critical administrative and law enforcement functions under judicial supervision, the nation can work toward safeguarding its democratic values and preventing future election engineering. The proposed reforms mark a pivotal moment to rebuild credibility in governance and reinforce public confidence in the electoral process.
Dr. Md. Motiar Rahman, ndc